Two Māori overhang seats; excludes the later deferred Port Waikato by-election. Party shares derived from exact official counts. Other aggregates ineligible minor parties.
Shares derived from valid official party votes. Māori Party won no electorates and did not qualify for seats. Other aggregates separately ineligible minor parties. No verified polling archive is included for this cycle yet.
Shares derived from valid official party votes, excluding informal votes. United Future won an electorate and qualified below 5%, creating one overhang seat. Internet MANA is preserved as its joint 2014 electoral list, not separate contemporary parties. Other aggregates separately ineligible minor parties. No verified polling archive is included for this cycle yet.
Official updated count 17 December 2011. Other groups the five independently unsuccessful parties; never list-eligible as a combined party. Historical Mana is distinct from 2014 Internet MANA.
Historical model tests & source recoveryOriginal reports and reproducible comparisons
ELECTION-DAY TESTS
Testing votes, seats and joint uncertainty
The evaluation is complete. 20 historical fits; 20 pass sampling checks, across 4 elections. Forecast publication remains closed.
Each prediction uses only polls available at its cutoff. Election results enter afterwards, for scoring. Fixed priors are tested on held-out outcomes; this is not a trained leave-one-election-out model.
Bayesian / benchmark. Vote errors and CRPS are in percentage points; seat MAE is in seats. Lower errors and scores are better. Compare within elections: party systems differ. Seat errors are conditional on the selected electorate scenario.
Election / cutoff
Vote MAE
Vote CRPS
Joint energy score
90% party coverage
Seat MAE
2014 2014-09-19
0.89 / 0.66
0.65 / 0.53
2.57 / 2.46
70% / 90%
1.05 / 0.93
2017 2017-09-22
1.31 / 1.48
0.82 / 0.90
3.64 / 3.99
100% / 100%
1.68 / 1.94
2020 2020-10-16
1.21 / 1.36
0.82 / 0.92
3.59 / 3.99
88% / 88%
1.53 / 1.73
2023 2023-10-13
1.31 / 1.18
0.88 / 0.81
3.61 / 3.22
100% / 100%
1.72 / 1.48
Historical majority-seat events
These are conditional mathematical combinations, not government-formation predictions. No probabilities are assigned to the electorate scenarios.
Combination
Probability
Observed majority
Brier score
national + act
28.4%
No
0.081
national + act + nz-first
89.5%
Yes
0.011
labour + green
0.9%
No
0.000
labour + green + tpm
7.0%
No
0.005
What this does and does not validate
Joint draws preserve a 100% party-vote composition. Energy scores assess the whole vector; CRPS assesses individual parties. Party-vote threshold events and conditional majority-seat events have Brier scores in the downloadable report. Reported coverage is descriptive, not a pass certificate.
Electorate scenarios are fixed stress tests, not recovered contemporary electorate forecasts. The incumbent scenario uses the previous general election for covered parties only. Retirements, boundary changes and parties outside the model remain unresolved. Actual electorate winners never enter prediction. Seat allocation uses the same tested MMP engine as the calculator. The later Port Waikato seat is excluded from the 2023 comparison.
Four elections are too few to establish whether a stated 70% event happens 70% of the time. Parties and horizons are dependent. Industry-wide error remains prior-driven; its sensitivity is reported. The extra-error benchmarks are declared scenarios, not fitted NZ error models. No model or prior was selected from these results.
Joint scoring uses a seeded 2,000-draw subset and seat events use 1,000 draws; their maximum marginal subsampling standard error is about 1.6 percentage points, conditional on the saved posterior ensemble. This does not include residual MCMC error or uncertainty about the model assumptions. Full draws are processed offline and useful summaries are retained.
Compare ten archived held-out poll predictions with three simple benchmark centers and two fixed error scenarios. CRPS rewards a useful predictive distribution, balancing its spread and where the observation falls. Lower scores are better. This checks published polls, not election outcomes.
Scores and widths in percentage points. Compare within rows; party categories and dependent tests must not be pooled. 90% coverage is a descriptive party count, not a calibration test.
Results vary by target and benchmark assumptions. A low CRPS on selected polls does not certify election-day calibration. No benchmark scale or model is selected from these outcomes.
Benchmark construction and scoring limits
Joint logistic-normal draws preserve a 100% composition. Training and target sampling uncertainty enter separately. Training precision assumes independent sampling and approximately common party composition. The extra-error scenario adds a fixed isotropic log-ratio standard deviation of 0.15 once; it does not shrink with the number of polls. That scale is assumed, not estimated from NZ errors.
These simple benchmarks have no estimated house effects or future movement. Unknown sample sizes are excluded; their centers can differ from earlier point-only benchmarks. Gross target sample size is conditional post-fieldwork metadata. Target party percentages never enter predictive draws.
The archived Bayesian report retains marginal scores and intervals, but not joint draws. These comparisons therefore evaluate marginal CRPS only. They cannot establish whether the joint multiparty error structure is correct.
This coverage table uses the refreshed archive. The benchmark scores above retain their original input snapshots.
Collected records only; this is not a census of published polls. Eligibility requires a usable source, exact fieldwork, known sample and complete decided-party composition.
Election
Archived
Model eligible
Eligible pollsters
1996
0
0
0
1999
0
0
0
2002
0
0
0
2005
0
0
0
2008
0
0
0
2011
0
0
0
2014
5
3
1
2017
8
3
2
2020
8
7
2
2023
14
12
2
Early-source recovery: two records, no new model inputs
Two early 2017 pollster-supplied releases are now inspectable. Their wider minor-party nets do not separate TOP; a total of 100% does not prove the model composition is complete.
morgan-2017-01-20 · fieldwork 2017-01-03 to 2017-01-16 · sample 868. Factual transcription of text explicitly supplied by Roy Morgan and syndicated by interest.co.nz on 20 January 2017. Landline and mobile interviews. Non-response means did not name a party; party-support respondent count not published here. Other combines the disjoint published United Future, Conservative, Internet and Independent/Other figures. TOP is not separately reported; no zero or residual is imputed. Excluded from modelling because the configured composition requires TOP separately. Original pollster link currently returns 404; retained as a provenance lead, not claimed as retrieved.
morgan-2017-02-28 · fieldwork 2017-01-30 to 2017-02-12 · sample 852. Factual transcription of text explicitly supplied by Roy Morgan and syndicated by interest.co.nz on 28 February 2017. Fieldwork ended 12 February; the host publication date is used conservatively rather than assuming an earlier release date. Landline and mobile interviews. Non-response means did not name a party; party-support respondent count not supplied. Other combines disjoint named minor-party figures and Independent/Others net. TOP is not separately reported; no zero or residual is imputed. Excluded from modelling until a compatible detailed composition can be verified.
Unresolved source leads
Roy Morgan 17 February–2 March release: Scoop presents a verification wall; original pollster URL returns 404. Indexed excerpts and secondary tables are discovery leads only. No poll added.
Newshub–Reid Research March poll: Secondary summary located; original commissioner report and full methodology not recovered. No poll added.
Checked 2026-10-07T16:52:43.131751Z. Missing categories and respondent counts are not imputed.
1996–2011 have no collected polls yet. The 2014 and 2017 archives contain no eligible polls at the 180-, 90- or 60-day cutoffs. More early-cycle releases and pollster diversity are needed before fitting more complex effects.
2023: inspect cutoffs and record exclusions
Cutoffs use final official election dates retrospectively. They are a coverage audit, not operational forecasts using dates announced at the time.
morgan-2023-03-10: Month-only fieldwork; No model-eligible complete composition
Reproducibility and remaining limits
Benchmark configurations declared before scoring; no scale or model chosen from these outcomes. Fixed extra scale 0.15 is an assumed stress scenario, not a fitted NZ error estimate.
All benchmark draws are joint compositions; only marginal CRPS, interval coverage and widths are comparable with archived Bayesian summaries. Joint Bayesian draws were not stored; no joint distribution score reconstructed from marginal intervals.
Latest/45-day average/14-day recency centers exclude unknown sample sizes. Earlier point-only baselines can differ because their missing-sample conventions differ.
Training precision uses independent sampling and approximately common party composition; extra isotropic log-ratio variance is added once and never shrinks with poll count. No estimated shared misses, house effects or future trend in these benchmarks.
Sampling-only baseline is intentionally incomplete; neither benchmark family certifies calibrated uncertainty.
Gross target samples and post-fieldwork design metadata are conditional evaluation assumptions. Party-support base or target percentages do not enter prediction.
Ten dependent targets in four cycles with different party categories: compare within rows; no pooled calibration count, overall MAE or winning model claim.
Coverage is of the collected archive, not all published NZ polls. Historical horizon cutoffs use final official dates retrospectively, not operational announced-date forecasting. Missing earlier results/calendar remain explicit.
Run 2026-10-07T16:41:38.897450+00:00. Report hash b26dca3ac99bdfa970345bf219cdf3f134982775902909b16fb859bb5a4afd15.
Forecast publication remains blocked. The public polling baseline is unchanged.
Four earlier held-out polls now use the corrected v2 prediction calculation. Together with six compatible archived tests, the same method spans four election cycles. Priors are unchanged; this small, dependent sample does not establish calibration or select a production model.
Compare point errors within each row. MAE is in percentage points against normalised published shares. CRPS and interval coverage refer to continuity-corrected likelihood observations.
All eight new fits pass sampling diagnostics. The corrected model has lower point error than the latest-poll baseline in one of the four earlier targets. With the six modern targets, the evidence remains mixed; no configuration is selected from these scores.
Conditional respondent-base checks
These calculations hold the training posterior fixed. Factors 1, 1.5 and 2 are assumed variance multipliers, not measured NZ design effects. A reported party-support base is used only where the original source supplies it. These counts are post-fieldwork metadata; the checks are conditional evaluations, not operational predictions made before a survey.
90% prediction interval widths and mean shifts in percentage points. Mean shift is relative to gross sample / factor 1.5. Coupled random draws reduce simulation noise.
Respondent base
Count
Factor
Effective n
Mean interval width
Largest mean shift
Gross sample
1006
1
1006
9.63
0.052
Gross sample
1006
1.5
671
9.80
0.000
Gross sample
1006
2
503
9.96
0.051
Published party-support base
840
1
840
9.71
0.031
Published party-support base
840
1.5
560
9.90
0.031
Published party-support base
840
2
420
10.10
0.091
Full refits on two fixed targets
Four additional fits change the sampling covariance in both training and prediction. Each is compared with its factor-1.5 reference using the same sampler, seed and priors. This bounded check does not establish robustness across every pollster, survey mode or forecast horizon.
Failed fits retain diagnostics in the downloadable report; comparisons are withheld.
Target
Factor
Largest mean shift
Mean 90% width
Width change
morgan-2014-09-17
1
0.40
4.27
-0.62
morgan-2014-09-17
2
0.35
5.47
0.58
colmar-2017-09-14
1
0.25
9.46
-0.35
colmar-2017-09-14
2
0.25
10.30
0.50
Limits and audit trail
Factors 1, 1.5 and 2 are predeclared stress scenarios; no empirical NZ survey design effect is estimated or selected.
Conditional target sensitivity holds training posterior fixed; full refits change training and target sampling covariance. Neither establishes calibration.
Reported party-support bases are post-fieldwork respondent counts, used only in conditional target-design scenarios; not available for operational pre-fieldwork forecasts.
Only two targets receive full refits. No general robustness claim across pollsters, modes or forecast horizons.
Corrected reference results plus compatible modern v2 results span ten dependent polls in four cycles. Party categories differ; no pooled calibration count or overall MAE.
Shared polling misses, electorate assumptions and election-day probability calibration remain unvalidated.
Run 2026-10-07T16:32:26.820304+00:00. Report hash 998c5df5439d1427e7616cd96dc95f90020a110bb7db4ff9c605ba0ef748c7e7. All planned runs recorded.
Disclosure guidance: AAPOR · Pew survey methodology. These references explain survey-error treatment; they do not validate the chosen stress factors for NZ polls.
The public polling baseline remains unchanged. Election probabilities remain withheld.
Three additional original reports fill gaps before the final campaign polls. Their detailed tables and respondent bases are preserved. A broader archive improves the opportunity to test a model; it does not guarantee a better forecast.
1 NEWS Colmar Brunton Poll · 2020-09-22
Fieldwork 2020-09-17 to 2020-09-21. Gross sample 1008; party-support base 847.
Original preliminary report. Detailed party table and cover show 17–21 September; methodology prose says Monday 22, an inconsistent day/date. Preserve 21 from cover/table and disclose discrepancy. 405 landline and 603 mobile interviews; weighted age, gender, region, ethnicity and phone access. Party-support base 847; published undecided/refused total 14%. Other sums minor categories once; dash entries contribute no separate positive share. Rounded table totals 99.3%.
Fieldwork 2023-08-12 to 2023-08-16. Gross sample 1002; party-support base 792.
Commissioner-uploaded original report, detailed party table. 501 mobile and 501 online interviews; weighted age, gender, region, ethnicity and education. Probed party-support base 792; undecided/refused total 12%. Other includes Freedoms NZ net once; its component rows are not added again. Detailed NZ First 3.7%, TPM 2.6% and TOP 0.6% take precedence over rounded summary. Total 100.2% retained.
Fieldwork 2023-09-16 to 2023-09-19. Gross sample 1001; party-support base 807.
Commissioner-uploaded original report, detailed party table. 501 mobile and 500 online interviews; weighted age, gender, region, ethnicity and education. Probed party-support base 807; undecided/refused total 12%. Other counts Freedoms NZ net once, excluding its repeated component rows. Net 0.7% differs from rounded component sum 0.8%; preserve net. Total 100.7% retained.
These 2020 and 2023 targets were fixed before fitting. Only polls available before target fieldwork began enter inference. Priors and the seed remain unchanged. Target results and election outcomes enter neither fitting nor prediction; source design metadata is used conditionally for evaluation.
Compare point errors within each row. MAE is in percentage points against normalised published shares. CRPS and interval coverage refer to continuity-corrected likelihood observations.
6 of six fits pass sampling diagnostics. Among passing fits with a latest-poll comparison, the model has lower point error in 3 of 6 tests. Compare within rows; do not pool the dependent parties into a calibration sample size.
Predictive method revision and remaining limits
Predictive log-ratio mean now matches the fitted likelihood directly, without applying a second continuity adjustment. Sampling covariance uses expected reported support including house effects. Old v1 reports remain preserved and are not pooled with these scores.
This corrects the predictive calculation, not the model priors. Previous reports remain archived and are not pooled with these v2 scores.
Six dependent target polls across two additional cycles. No election-day calibration certification.
Training histories overlap; party intervals are correlated. Do not pool party coverage into an independent sample size.
Only two pollster lineages represented. Selected archive remains incomplete.
Gross sample proxy can understate sampling error; design-effect and decided-base sensitivity remain outstanding.
The 2020 preliminary source contains a methodology day/date typo; cover and party table agree on 17–21 September and those dates are used.
Predictive method v2 corrects the log-ratio mean/covariance alignment. Earlier v1 held-out scores are historical snapshots and are not combined.
No prior selection or industry-miss calibration from these outcomes.
Run 2026-10-07T09:39:09.253025+00:00. Input hash e10115d5d24b15d7ac5369b7db5f00b96238cfc6860adad27c57b24546b7e9aa.
Updated shared-error audit
The source expansion also updates the retrospective leave-one-election-out point-error comparison. Held-out election outcomes are excluded from its training mean. This audit does not calibrate shared polling uncertainty.
MAE in percentage points, with minor parties combined only for comparable error analysis.
Held-out election
Uncorrected
Training-mean correction
2023
1.56
1.48
2020
1.45
2.23
2017
1.92
1.96
2014
0.85
0.78
Four independent cycles remain insufficient to establish election probability calibration. The public baseline stays available; forecast probabilities remain withheld.
The archive now includes original September 2014 Roy Morgan and 3 News–Reid reports, plus the detailed September 2017 Colmar Brunton PDF. Raw figures, sample bases and source links are preserved. Earlier research below remains a dated snapshot.
Roy Morgan · 2014-09-17
Fieldwork 2014-09-01 to 2014-09-14. Sample 935.
Complete composition · eligible for offline research.
The 2017 PDF’s detailed table reports ACT at 0.6% and Opportunity at 1.6%; its summary rounds these to 1% and 2%. We use the detailed table and its reported party-support sample of 840. The published combined undecided figure is 14%; rounded components must not be added to replace it.
What changed in the backtests?
Party-share mean absolute error (percentage points). 2014 has ten categories; 2017 has eight. Compare models within a row.
Election / days
Pollsters
Latest fieldwork age at cutoff
Bayesian
Recency baseline
Sampling
2014 / 180
0
—
Withheld
—
No complete exact-date model-eligible polls released by cutoff.
2014 / 90
0
—
Withheld
—
No complete exact-date model-eligible polls released by cutoff.
2014 / 60
0
—
Withheld
—
No complete exact-date model-eligible polls released by cutoff.
2014 / 30
1
4 days
1.24
1.18
Passed
2014 / 14
1
20 days
1.27
1.18
Passed
2014 / 7
1
27 days
1.26
1.13
Passed
2014 / 1
1
5 days
0.88
0.59
Passed
2017 / 180
0
—
Withheld
—
No complete exact-date model-eligible polls released by cutoff.
2017 / 90
0
—
Withheld
—
No complete exact-date model-eligible polls released by cutoff.
2017 / 60
0
—
Withheld
—
No complete exact-date model-eligible polls released by cutoff.
2017 / 30
1
11 days
2.08
1.84
Passed
2017 / 14
1
27 days
2.07
1.84
Passed
2017 / 7
2
3 days
1.31
1.49
Passed
2017 / 1
2
9 days
1.28
1.49
Passed
The first expanded 2014 final-cutoff run narrowly failed the R-hat threshold (1.0112 against 1.01). The table uses a separately recorded longer run with unchanged model priors and seed, four chains and 2,000 warmup/retained draws per chain. The original failed run is retained for inspection. Computational checks do not certify forecast calibration.
The eligible final 2014 poll now ends six days before election day. Two pollsters contribute to the 2017 audit. The original cycle compositions are validated before combining minor parties solely for comparable error research.
Leave-one-election-out point-error comparison · MAE in percentage points.
Held-out election
Training elections
Uncorrected
Training-mean correction
2023
2020, 2017, 2014
1.56
1.48
2020
2023, 2017, 2014
1.45
2.23
2017
2023, 2020, 2014
1.92
1.96
2014
2023, 2020, 2017
0.85
0.78
The correction improves point error in 2 of four elections and worsens it in the others. It is not adopted. Four cycles still cannot identify an unrestricted six-dimensional error covariance or establish probability calibration. No shared-miss uncertainty scale has been selected.
Limits and reproducibility
Poll minus official result, in percentage points. Equal latest-poll-per-pollster ensemble; original rounded totals are normalised. Errors combine survey bias, sampling, turnout, undecided handling and movement after fieldwork. Same-direction errors are observations, not identification of a shared causal bias. Sparse cycles with uneven pollster coverage cannot establish calibration; full covariance is unidentified without strong regularisation. No fitted miss distribution or forecast probabilities are published. Every held-out training list excludes that election. Retrospective training on other cycles is distinct from operational past-only validation. Changing minor-party labels are collapsed only after validating the complete original cycle composition. Leave-one-election-out mean-error corrections are descriptive point benchmarks, not a fitted Bayesian miss prior. Held-out outcomes enter scoring only. Retrospective folds may include later cycles in training; they are not operational past-only forecasts. Check each row for latest fieldwork age and distinct eligible pollsters; records with unknown denominators remain excluded. No uncertainty scale was selected or calibrated.
Reid’s 2014 denominator and methodology need further primary documentation. The original final September 2017 Colmar report is still missing. Predictive and individual-prior checks on these final-cutoff inputs appear below. Earlier-horizon checks, electorate assumptions and seat scoring remain incomplete. Do not count repeated horizons as independent elections.
We refit each final-cutoff model with one prior scale halved or doubled at a time. All runs use four chains and 2,000 warmup and retained draws per chain. Election results are used only after fitting for descriptive scoring; no prior is selected from these results.
Maximum change across party means against the same-cycle reference, in percentage points. Failed sampling checks withhold comparisons.
Prior / factor
Current-support shift
Election-day shift
Mean 90% interval width
Sampling
Reference / 1×
0.00
0.00
4.12
Passed
Opinion movement / 0.5×
0.45
0.45
3.83
Passed
Opinion movement / 2×
0.49
0.48
4.58
Passed
Pollster effects / 0.5×
Withheld
Withheld
Withheld
Failed
Pollster effects / 2×
0.00
0.01
4.12
Passed
Extra polling error / 0.5×
0.12
0.13
3.98
Passed
Extra polling error / 2×
Withheld
Withheld
Withheld
Failed
2 of seven runs failed sampling diagnostics. Those comparisons are withheld; the full report preserves divergences and other diagnostics.
Can the reference reproduce its input polls?
These intervals describe replicated polls fitted by the model. The observations include the documented continuity correction and differ from the raw published percentages. High in-sample coverage does not establish predictive calibration.
These checks cover one cutoff in each of two elections. Earlier horizons, prior interactions, survey design effects and the initial-support prior remain unreviewed. Industry-wide miss remains prior-driven. Forecast publication stays blocked.
In-sample predictive checks reuse fitted polls; they do not establish held-out polling or election-day calibration.
One terminal cutoff per election; dependent parties and polls are not independent validation events.
Cycles retain their original party categories. Do not pool their MAE or interval coverage.
Individual changes do not test interactions. Initial prior, design effect, continuity correction, electorate assumptions and earlier horizons remain unreviewed.
Shared-miss scale remains prior-driven. No alternative prior is selected from outcome scores.
The downloadable report includes full diagnostics, prior configurations, source input hashes, per-party predictive intervals and shared-miss sensitivity.
Each failed configuration gets one separately recorded retry with unchanged priors and seed, longer warmup and a smaller sampling step size. The original failures remain in the earlier report. Passing computational checks does not establish predictive accuracy.
Four chains · 3,000 warmup and 2,000 retained draws per chain · target acceptance 0.99.
Election / configuration
Original divergences
Retry divergences
Retry R-hat
Sampling
2014 / Tighter pollster-effect prior
1
0
1.0033
Passed
2014 / Wider extra-error prior
1
0
1.0032
Passed
2017 / Wider opinion-movement prior
3
0
1.0032
Passed
Prediction before fieldwork begins
These four predictions use method v1. The newer v2 review above aligns prediction with the fitted likelihood directly. These archived scores are preserved and not pooled with the revised method.
For each target poll, training stops the day before its fieldwork starts. Target party results and election outcomes are absent from fitting and predictive draws. The published dates, pollster and gross sample size are used to evaluate the survey design. This is a poll prediction, with sampling and extra polling error; it is separate from an election-day forecast.
Compare point errors within each row. MAE is in percentage points against normalised published shares. CRPS and interval coverage refer to continuity-corrected likelihood observations.
Among passing runs, the model has lower point error than the latest-poll baseline in 1 of 4 tests. This limited evidence does not justify adopting the Bayesian model over the public baseline.
Inspect held-out predictions and source cutoffs
morgan-2014-08-20
Training: morgan-2014-07-31. Target fieldwork: 2014-08-04 to 2014-08-17. Sampling: passed. House effects retain the training model’s centring.
Party
Normalised published result
Likelihood observation
Predicted mean
90% prediction interval
National
48.00%
47.65%
43.75%
32.46–53.83%
Labour
27.50%
27.34%
29.03%
20.16–38.56%
Green
11.50%
11.49%
12.00%
7.17–17.75%
ACT
0.50%
0.59%
1.07%
0.23–2.50%
NZ First
6.50%
6.53%
5.27%
2.70–8.47%
Te Pāti Māori
1.00%
1.08%
1.95%
0.69–3.83%
Other / unreported
1.00%
1.08%
1.49%
0.46–3.15%
United Future
0.50%
0.59%
1.06%
0.24–2.46%
Conservative
1.00%
1.08%
1.48%
0.45–3.06%
Internet MANA
2.50%
2.57%
2.91%
1.26–5.22%
morgan-2014-09-17
Training: morgan-2014-08-20, morgan-2014-07-31. Target fieldwork: 2014-09-01 to 2014-09-14. Sampling: passed. House effects retain the training model’s centring.
Party
Normalised published result
Likelihood observation
Predicted mean
90% prediction interval
National
46.50%
46.21%
45.69%
38.94–52.39%
Labour
24.00%
23.89%
27.93%
22.35–33.99%
Green
13.50%
13.47%
11.68%
8.30–15.42%
ACT
0.50%
0.58%
0.88%
0.25–1.86%
NZ First
8.00%
8.02%
5.93%
3.79–8.43%
Te Pāti Māori
1.50%
1.57%
1.58%
0.68–2.88%
Other / unreported
1.00%
1.07%
1.33%
0.52–2.49%
United Future
0.50%
0.58%
0.87%
0.26–1.86%
Conservative
3.50%
3.55%
1.32%
0.52–2.48%
Internet MANA
1.00%
1.07%
2.77%
1.50–4.41%
colmar-2017-09-14
Training: morgan-2017-08-18. Target fieldwork: 2017-09-09 to 2017-09-13. Sampling: passed. This unseen pollster receives a population-prior draw, not an estimated house-effect correction.
Party
Normalised published result
Likelihood observation
Predicted mean
90% prediction interval
National
39.72%
39.56%
41.00%
28.68–53.17%
Labour
43.69%
43.51%
31.66%
20.99–43.03%
Green
6.95%
6.98%
9.24%
5.07–14.62%
ACT
0.60%
0.67%
1.05%
0.25–2.45%
NZ First
5.96%
6.00%
11.60%
6.61–17.88%
Te Pāti Māori
0.89%
0.96%
1.97%
0.71–3.89%
Opportunity
1.59%
1.65%
2.44%
0.96–4.60%
Other / unreported
0.60%
0.67%
1.04%
0.24–2.39%
morgan-2017-09-16
Training: morgan-2017-08-18. Target fieldwork: 2017-08-28 to 2017-09-10. Sampling: passed. House effects retain the training model’s centring.
Party
Normalised published result
Likelihood observation
Predicted mean
90% prediction interval
National
40.00%
39.81%
40.90%
29.80–51.09%
Labour
39.50%
39.31%
31.71%
22.16–41.82%
Green
9.00%
9.02%
9.23%
5.40–14.08%
ACT
0.50%
0.58%
1.07%
0.25–2.47%
NZ First
6.00%
6.04%
11.61%
7.00–17.28%
Te Pāti Māori
2.00%
2.07%
1.97%
0.74–3.81%
Opportunity
2.00%
2.07%
2.44%
1.00–4.46%
Other / unreported
1.00%
1.08%
1.07%
0.26–2.44%
Four tests across two elections are too few to assess calibration. The tests share training polls, and party intervals are dependent. Do not pool these counts or treat broad coverage as proof of an accurate forecast.
Assumptions and reproducibility
Only four pre-fieldwork held-out polls across two cycles; predictions share training data and are dependent.
Historical archive is sparse and selected. This is not broad election-day calibration or an operational trained model.
Gross sample size is an explicit approximation; target undecided and decided-base information is not used in prediction.
Original cycle compositions differ; no pooled party-error or calibration statistic is published.
A zero-divergence retry supports computational interpretation only, not model accuracy. Original failures are preserved.
Held-out poll likelihood omits election-wide miss; this is a poll prediction, not an election prediction.
Gross sample size is a proxy that can understate sampling error: published undecided figures and party-support bases are excluded from prediction. Sampling covariance uses predicted support rather than the held-out percentages. Remaining work includes design-effect sensitivity, shared-bias calibration and a broader archive.
This earlier snapshot contains four Bayesian fits using the ten categories recorded in 2014, including United Future, Conservative and Internet MANA. The earlier three-election reports below remain dated research snapshots. No forecast has been certified.
This archived run used two complete Roy Morgan releases, with final fieldwork 34 days before election day. It predates the recovered September 2014 Roy Morgan release and September 2017 Colmar Brunton PDF. See the expanded research above for updated coverage.
2014 cutoffs · party-share mean absolute error in percentage points. Ten categories; errors are not directly comparable to eight-category reports.
Days before election
Latest fieldwork age at cutoff
Bayesian
Recency baseline
Sampling
180
—
Withheld
—
No complete exact-date model-eligible polls released by cutoff.
90
—
Withheld
—
No complete exact-date model-eligible polls released by cutoff.
60
—
Withheld
—
No complete exact-date model-eligible polls released by cutoff.
30
4 days
1.24
1.18
Passed
14
20 days
1.27
1.18
Passed
7
27 days
1.26
1.13
Passed
1
33 days
1.26
1.13
Passed
All four fits pass convergence, effective sample size and divergence thresholds. In-sample predictive summaries are available in the report, but predictive review, prior sensitivity and election-day calibration remain incomplete. Seven cutoffs do not create seven independent elections.
To compare changing party line-ups, this audit preserves six major parties and combines the remaining parties into one minor-party category, after validating each original composition. That aggregate is used only to compare polling errors; it cannot be used for seat allocation or threshold probabilities.
Leave one election out · terminal polling discrepancy MAE (percentage points). Lower is better.
Held-out election
Training elections
Uncorrected
Training-mean correction
2023
2020, 2017, 2014
1.56
1.78
2020
2023, 2017, 2014
1.45
2.21
2017
2023, 2020, 2014
1.76
1.64
2014
2023, 2020, 2017
1.18
1.49
The simple correction worsens accuracy in 3 of 4 held-out elections. It is not adopted. Four election residuals have centred rank 3 across 6 compositional dimensions: they cannot identify an unrestricted shared-error covariance. No uncertainty scale has been selected or calibrated.
Inspect sources, assumptions and remaining gaps
Poll minus official result, in percentage points. Equal latest-poll-per-pollster ensemble; original rounded totals are normalised. Errors combine survey bias, sampling, turnout, undecided handling and movement after fieldwork. Same-direction errors are observations, not identification of a shared causal bias. Sparse cycles with uneven pollster coverage cannot establish calibration; full covariance is unidentified without strong regularisation. No fitted miss distribution or forecast probabilities are published. Every held-out training list excludes that election. Retrospective training on other cycles is distinct from operational past-only validation. Changing minor-party labels are collapsed only after validating the complete original cycle composition. Leave-one-election-out mean-error corrections are descriptive point benchmarks, not a fitted Bayesian miss prior. Held-out outcomes enter scoring only. Retrospective folds may include later cycles in training; they are not operational past-only forecasts. The final 2014 poll in this archive ends 34 days before election day and represents one pollster. No uncertainty scale was selected or calibrated.
2023 · 2 verified pollsters
1 NEWS Verian Poll · published 2023-10-11 · fieldwork ended 4 days before election day
Roy Morgan · published 2023-10-13 · fieldwork ended 6 days before election day
Selected Roy Morgan, Colmar Brunton and Verian polls across three elections, with uneven source coverage. These are point-estimate errors, not evidence that a Bayesian forecast is calibrated. MAE is the average absolute party-share error in percentage points across all eight categories.
2023 · 180 days · latest
MAE 2.93 pp · RMSE 3.65 pp
1 polls from 1 pollsters · newest fieldwork 2023-03-262023 · 90 days · latest
MAE 3.66 pp · RMSE 4.33 pp
1 polls from 1 pollsters · newest fieldwork 2023-06-252023 · 60 days · latest
MAE 2.51 pp · RMSE 2.98 pp
1 polls from 1 pollsters · newest fieldwork 2023-07-232023 · 30 days · latest
MAE 2.79 pp · RMSE 4.31 pp
1 polls from 1 pollsters · newest fieldwork 2023-08-272023 · 14 days · latest
MAE 1.35 pp · RMSE 1.64 pp
1 polls from 1 pollsters · newest fieldwork 2023-09-262023 · 7 days · latest
MAE 1.10 pp · RMSE 1.23 pp
1 polls from 1 pollsters · newest fieldwork 2023-10-032023 · 1 days · latest
MAE 2.24 pp · RMSE 3.20 pp
1 polls from 1 pollsters · newest fieldwork 2023-10-08
Coverage, assumptions and missing validation
Incomplete archive with uneven cycle and pollster coverage; 2017 has one verified pollster and two complete releases. Latest means most recently published, with fieldwork dates shown; contemporary publication and later article update dates may differ. Publication dates are respected; latest-poll baseline can be stale. Average uses all eligible polls ending within 45 days; recency uses 14-day half-life times square-root sample size (missing samples use an explicit 500 benchmark assumption). No tuned parameters, Bayesian fits, probabilistic calibration, seat prediction or electorate validation. Repeated horizons are dependent; do not count them as independent elections. All results are exploratory.
Bundled archive input version (live corrections require a new offline run): d17af83cf269d4dd · Benchmark baseline-v0.3
2017, 180 days: 0 released polls; 0 with fieldwork within 45 days. No eligible released polls.
2017, 90 days: 0 released polls; 0 with fieldwork within 45 days. No eligible released polls.
2017, 60 days: 0 released polls; 0 with fieldwork within 45 days. No eligible released polls.
2017, 30 days: 1 released polls; 1 with fieldwork within 45 days.
2017, 14 days: 1 released polls; 1 with fieldwork within 45 days.
2017, 7 days: 2 released polls; 2 with fieldwork within 45 days.
2017, 1 days: 2 released polls; 2 with fieldwork within 45 days.
2020, 180 days: 0 released polls; 0 with fieldwork within 45 days. No eligible released polls.
2020, 90 days: 1 released polls; 0 with fieldwork within 45 days. No recent polls for average/recency baselines.
2020, 60 days: 2 released polls; 1 with fieldwork within 45 days.
2020, 30 days: 3 released polls; 1 with fieldwork within 45 days.
2020, 14 days: 3 released polls; 1 with fieldwork within 45 days.
2020, 7 days: 4 released polls; 1 with fieldwork within 45 days.
2020, 1 days: 6 released polls; 3 with fieldwork within 45 days.
2023, 180 days: 1 released polls; 1 with fieldwork within 45 days.
2023, 90 days: 3 released polls; 1 with fieldwork within 45 days.
2023, 60 days: 5 released polls; 2 with fieldwork within 45 days.
2023, 30 days: 6 released polls; 1 with fieldwork within 45 days.
2023, 14 days: 7 released polls; 2 with fieldwork within 45 days.
2023, 7 days: 8 released polls; 3 with fieldwork within 45 days.
2023, 1 days: 10 released polls; 4 with fieldwork within 45 days.
Matched comparisons across 16 historical cutoffs and three independent elections. Simple averages sometimes outperform the Bayesian candidate. These results support further research, not a production-model choice.
2017 · 4 available cutoffs
Bayesian mean absolute error
1.70 pp
Latest-poll error
1.69 pp
Recent-average error
1.52 pp
Recency-baseline error
1.50 pp
Within-cycle average across matched available cutoffs. Lower is better; these are dependent comparisons, not independent trials.
2020 · 5 available cutoffs
Bayesian mean absolute error
1.07 pp
Latest-poll error
1.54 pp
Recent-average error
1.48 pp
Recency-baseline error
1.51 pp
Within-cycle average across matched available cutoffs. Lower is better; these are dependent comparisons, not independent trials.
2023 · 7 available cutoffs
Bayesian mean absolute error
2.15 pp
Latest-poll error
2.37 pp
Recent-average error
2.33 pp
Recency-baseline error
2.24 pp
Within-cycle average across matched available cutoffs. Lower is better; these are dependent comparisons, not independent trials.
Inspect every matched cutoff
Mean absolute party-share error (percentage points); eight categories including Other.
Election / days
Bayesian
Latest
Average
Recency
2020 / 60
1.10
1.14
1.14
1.14
2020 / 30
0.97
1.64
1.64
1.64
2020 / 14
0.99
1.64
1.64
1.64
2020 / 7
1.06
1.75
1.75
1.75
2020 / 1
1.24
1.51
1.24
1.37
2023 / 180
2.85
2.93
2.93
2.93
2023 / 90
3.08
3.66
3.66
3.66
2023 / 60
2.52
2.51
2.17
2.20
2023 / 30
2.26
2.79
2.79
2.79
2023 / 14
1.59
1.35
1.91
1.56
2023 / 7
1.49
1.10
1.64
1.32
2023 / 1
1.29
2.24
1.20
1.22
2017 / 30
2.08
1.84
1.84
1.84
2017 / 14
2.07
1.84
1.84
1.84
2017 / 7
1.33
1.54
1.21
1.16
2017 / 1
1.32
1.54
1.21
1.16
Equal weight per election, then equal weight per available horizon within that election. Descriptive only; missing horizons differ by cycle. Baselines are no-change point predictions for election day; they have no probability distribution for a proper-score comparison.
How much do assumptions matter?
9 fresh fits test the final pre-election cutoff. The daily movement, pollster-effect and extra-error prior scales are halved or doubled together. This is a joint stress test: it cannot identify which individual prior causes a change. The election outcome is used only after fitting, for scoring.
Reference priors
Sampling diagnostics passed
Largest current-support mean change
0.00 pp
Largest election-share mean change
0.00 pp
Mean 90% election-share interval width
5.05 pp
Half polling-prior scales
Sampling diagnostics passed
Largest current-support mean change
0.24 pp
Largest election-share mean change
0.28 pp
Mean 90% election-share interval width
4.78 pp
Double polling-prior scales
Sampling diagnostics passed
Largest current-support mean change
0.09 pp
Largest election-share mean change
0.10 pp
Mean 90% election-share interval width
5.19 pp
Separately, the shared election-wide miss prior was rescaled using the same draws at all 16 archived cutoffs. At this election’s final cutoff, mean 90% interval widths were 3.98 pp at 0.5×; 5.05 pp at 1×; 7.94 pp at 2×. This uncertainty is prior-driven and remains uncalibrated.
Can it reproduce the polling observations?
The archived log-ratio checks and fresh simulated-poll checks use the observations that fitted the model. High coverage can reflect wide intervals and reuse of the same data. It does not test election-day calibration.
100% of this poll’s eight modelled categories are inside their in-sample 90% predictive intervals. Largest absolute mean discrepancy: 1.47 pp.
NationalObservation 30.41% Simulated mean 31.88% · 90% interval 28.03–36.05%
LabourObservation 25.93% Simulated mean 25.05% · 90% interval 21.52–28.69%
GreenObservation 14.99% Simulated mean 13.82% · 90% interval 11.22–16.65%
ACTObservation 11.51% Simulated mean 12.80% · 90% interval 10.18–15.72%
NZ FirstObservation 7.53% Simulated mean 6.48% · 90% interval 4.85–8.33%
Te Pāti MāoriObservation 3.05% Simulated mean 3.63% · 90% interval 2.30–5.30%
OpportunityObservation 3.55% Simulated mean 2.93% · 90% interval 1.93–4.19%
Other / unreportedObservation 3.05% Simulated mean 3.41% · 90% interval 2.21–4.91%
Inverse log-ratio likelihood observations include the documented sample-size continuity correction. They are not a replacement for the preserved raw poll percentages. These are descriptive in-sample predictive intervals, not election-day calibration or held-out polling coverage.
Sampling checks and run provenance
R-hat 1.006 · bulk ESS 1479 · tail ESS 778 · divergences 0. Four chains; 1,000 warmup and 1,000 retained draws per chain. Run 2026-10-07T06:56:22.904508Z.
Input hash 15822d225d152c705b1b0f344388b33030594a20f2f91d80d5a8244f6fce868f. Outcomes never enter fitting.
Review scope, unresolved checks and reproducibility
Only three independent cycles; horizons, parties and repeated polls are dependent.
In-sample PPCs are not calibration tests. High coverage can reflect wide uncertainty and reuse of fitted data.
Baseline point predictions are interpreted as no-change election-day predictions. They have no predictive distribution, so probabilistic skill cannot be compared to them.
Equal-horizon summaries have uneven coverage; inspect matched per-cutoff rows. No significance test or winner is justified.
Industry-wide miss is prior-driven; sensitivity is not empirical calibration.
2014 uses another party composition; the contemporary secondary 2017 report is excluded.
No electorate reconstruction or seat forecast validation; no operational past-only trained model.
Zero-share correction, initial prior, design-effect assumptions and individual polling priors still require separate sensitivity checks before publication.
Review model-review-v1 · 2026-10-07T06:53:20.673988+00:00. Original historical fits retain their own timestamps and diagnostic flags. This descriptive review does not grant a publication pass.
Retain the simpler Bayesian candidate for research. Do not add unsupported covariance complexity, select priors from these outcomes or publish probabilities. Broader source coverage and held-out calibration remain necessary.
16 completed fits across 3 independent elections. 16 fits passed sampling checks. Two 2020 cutoffs are excluded because the election was postponed; three earlier 2017 cutoffs lack complete party data. This does not establish calibrated probabilities.
Data cutoff: 13 Oct 2023 · Election date known then: 14 Oct 2023.
10 eligible historical polls · 2 pollsters · Latest fieldwork 10 Oct 2023 (3 days old).
Sampling checks passed. Limited predictive and prior stress checks are available in the model review; calibration and additional checks remain outstanding.
Audit this run
logistic-normal-rw-v0.3-isotropic-research · 4 chains · 1,000 warmup and 1,000 retained draws per chain. Fit completed 2026-10-07T06:05:19.530027Z. Historical outcomes enter scoring only, never inference.
Errors average eight categories, including Other. Repeated horizons and party errors are dependent. Smaller errors on selected folds do not prove a better model. Common polling-miss uncertainty remains prior-driven; no seat-performance claim is made.
These runs use polls available one day before the 2020 and 2023 elections. Fixed priors were not fitted to their election results. Sparse polling and two election outcomes cannot establish probability calibration.
2020 · Full covariance
Cutoff 16 Oct 2020 · 6 polls
Mean party-vote error
1.14 percentage points
Recent-poll average error
1.24 percentage points
Maximum R-hat
1.050
Minimum effective samples
136 bulk · 132 tail
Divergences
0
Sampling checks did not pass. Scores are exploratory and cannot support model selection.
Run provenance and assumptions
Model logistic-normal-rw-v0.2 · 4 chains · 1000 warmup and 1000 retained draws per chain · seed 20261007.
Fixed regularising priors, selected terminal cutoffs only; not tuned to these election results. Scores from chains failing diagnostics are exploratory and unusable for model selection. Two elections cannot establish probability calibration. Polling coverage is sparse; no seat scores without as-known electorate assumptions. Industry-wide miss remains prior-driven. No historical results are used in inference, so this is a pseudo-real-time fixed-prior pilot, not a trained leave-one-election-out model.
Published poll records: morgan-2020-10-15, colmar-brunton-2020-10-15, colmar-brunton-2020-10-08, morgan-2020-09-01, morgan-2020-08-08, morgan-2020-06-01.
2023 · Full covariance
Cutoff 13 Oct 2023 · 8 polls
Mean party-vote error
1.63 percentage points
Recent-poll average error
1.41 percentage points
Maximum R-hat
1.570
Minimum effective samples
7 bulk · 11 tail
Divergences
0
Sampling checks did not pass. Scores are exploratory and cannot support model selection.
Run provenance and assumptions
Model logistic-normal-rw-v0.2 · 4 chains · 1000 warmup and 1000 retained draws per chain · seed 20261007.
Fixed regularising priors, selected terminal cutoffs only; not tuned to these election results. Scores from chains failing diagnostics are exploratory and unusable for model selection. Two elections cannot establish probability calibration. Polling coverage is sparse; no seat scores without as-known electorate assumptions. Industry-wide miss remains prior-driven. No historical results are used in inference, so this is a pseudo-real-time fixed-prior pilot, not a trained leave-one-election-out model.
Sampling checks passed. Historical calibration and model review remain outstanding.
Run provenance and assumptions
Model logistic-normal-rw-v0.3-isotropic-research · 4 chains · 1000 warmup and 1000 retained draws per chain · seed 20261007.
Fixed regularising priors, selected terminal cutoffs only; not tuned to these election results. Scores from chains failing diagnostics are exploratory and unusable for model selection. Two elections cannot establish probability calibration. Polling coverage is sparse; no seat scores without as-known electorate assumptions. Industry-wide miss remains prior-driven. No historical results are used in inference, so this is a pseudo-real-time fixed-prior pilot, not a trained leave-one-election-out model.
Published poll records: morgan-2020-10-15, colmar-brunton-2020-10-15, colmar-brunton-2020-10-08, morgan-2020-09-01, morgan-2020-08-08, morgan-2020-06-01.
2023 · Simpler covariance
Cutoff 13 Oct 2023 · 8 polls
Mean party-vote error
1.26 percentage points
Recent-poll average error
1.41 percentage points
Maximum R-hat
1.009
Minimum effective samples
832 bulk · 709 tail
Divergences
0
Sampling checks passed. Historical calibration and model review remain outstanding.
Run provenance and assumptions
Model logistic-normal-rw-v0.3-isotropic-research · 4 chains · 1000 warmup and 1000 retained draws per chain · seed 20261007.
Fixed regularising priors, selected terminal cutoffs only; not tuned to these election results. Scores from chains failing diagnostics are exploratory and unusable for model selection. Two elections cannot establish probability calibration. Polling coverage is sparse; no seat scores without as-known electorate assumptions. Industry-wide miss remains prior-driven. No historical results are used in inference, so this is a pseudo-real-time fixed-prior pilot, not a trained leave-one-election-out model.
A lower vote error on one date does not prove a model is better. Party errors and repeated horizons are dependent. Election-wide miss uncertainty remains driven by an uncalibrated prior; no seat-performance claim is made.
These are late-cycle poll results minus the official party vote. Positive means the poll overstated the result; negative means it understated it. Errors can include opinion change after fieldwork, turnout and survey bias.
1 NEWS Verian Poll
Fieldwork ended 4 days before election day. Released 11 Oct 2023.
Parties with errors in the same direction across the verified pollsters: National, Green, ACT, Te Pāti Māori, Opportunity. This is an observation, not a probability or a diagnosis of its cause.
3 independent election cycles, 7 compositional dimensions and residual rank 2. Repeated polls and forecast horizons do not create additional independent elections.
Poll minus official result, in percentage points. Equal latest-poll-per-pollster ensemble; original rounded totals are normalised. Errors combine survey bias, sampling, turnout, undecided handling and movement after fieldwork. Same-direction errors are observations, not identification of a shared causal bias. Sparse cycles with uneven pollster coverage cannot establish calibration; full covariance is unidentified without strong regularisation. No fitted miss distribution or forecast probabilities are published. Every held-out training list excludes that election. Retrospective training on other cycles is distinct from operational past-only validation.
1996–2008 polls, missing 2011/2014/2017/2020/2023 releases and other historical pollsters still need source verification. Pollster ratings remain unpublished; the live experimental forecast has limited calibration evidence.
New Zealand election results & polling history | OpinionScope